patterns of agreement with coordinate noun phrases in hungarian

the paper examines the agreement behavior of coordinate phrases (&ps) on the basis of hungarian data. it examines subject-verb agreement in number (and, in the case of pronominal subjects, also in person), and object-verb agreement in definiteness. its primary goal is to account for the different agreement behavior of ip-internal and left-peripheral &ps. it argues that because & has no φ-features of its own, &p assumes the φ-features projected by its conjuncts in formal agreement relations, and the features of its discourse referent in semantically motivated relations such as binding. in hungarian, ip-internal agreement relations are formal relations, in which &p participates with the φ-features of its conjuncts. a left-peripheral &p, on the other hand, can be associated with a resumptive pro sharing its semantic features, and can be represented in agreement relations by its pro associate.